Anti-Haitian sentiment—known as Antihaitianismo in Spanish and Antihaitienisme in French—refers to the prejudice, discrimination, and social hostility directed toward Haitians, particularly in the Dominican Republic. This animosity is often fueled by differences in race, culture, language, and socioeconomic status, and is deeply interwoven with broader issues of anti-Blackness and classism.
Historical Roots: 16th to 19th Century
The historical tensions between Haiti and the Dominican Republic can be traced back to the colonial era, when the island of Hispaniola was divided by European powers. The eastern side (now the Dominican Republic) was colonized by Spain, while the western portion (now Haiti) was taken by France. These colonial legacies created two distinct societies with contrasting languages, cultures, and racial compositions. While Dominicans largely descend from a mix of Spanish, African, and Indigenous Taíno ancestry, Haitians are predominantly of African descent due to the transatlantic slave trade.
These differences were further exacerbated by the policies of colonial powers, including racial segregation and hierarchical systems that favored European identities. The Spanish Captaincy General of Santo Domingo, for instance, implemented racial divisions that laid the groundwork for future discrimination. The island’s eventual political fragmentation—particularly the Haitian occupation of the eastern side from 1822 to 1844 and the Dominican War of Independence—deepened nationalistic divisions that continue to influence modern relations.
Institutionalized Hatred: The Trujillo Era (1930s–1940s)
Anti-Haitian sentiment became deeply entrenched in Dominican politics under the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo. In October 1937, Trujillo ordered the infamous Parsley Massacre, in which Dominican soldiers killed an estimated 10,000 to 30,000 Haitians and dark-skinned Dominicans near the border. The massacre was ostensibly to prevent “infiltration” and enforce border control, but it was also a tool for ethnic cleansing and nationalistic propaganda.
The military used machetes rather than firearms to obscure evidence of government involvement. Victims were often identified through a linguistic test: those who mispronounced the Spanish word perejil (“parsley”) were assumed to be Haitian and executed. Despite diplomatic agreements and reparations promises, very little compensation reached affected Haitian families due to corruption and bureaucratic failures.
This event, supported by influential Dominican intellectuals like Manuel Arturo Peña Batlle and Joaquín Balaguer, legitimized future acts of violence and state-sponsored discrimination against people of Haitian descent.
Contemporary Issues: Post-Trujillo to the 1990s
The legacy of Trujillo’s racist nationalism continued well into the late 20th century. Systematic expulsions of Haitians and Haitian-Dominicans became routine, especially during times of political unrest or economic strain. These mass deportations often involved arbitrary detentions by the military and little regard for legal status or human rights.
In the 1996 presidential election, anti-Haitian rhetoric once again surfaced prominently. Joaquín Balaguer, a former ally of Trujillo, aligned with Leonel Fernández of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) to block the candidacy of José Francisco Peña Gómez—a popular politician of Haitian descent who had been adopted by a Dominican family. Despite his Dominican upbringing, Peña Gómez’s Haitian heritage was weaponized against him in political campaigns, demonstrating the enduring power of antihaitianismo in Dominican political discourse.